Mining Camps

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You may also opt to downgrade to Standard Digital, a robust journalistic offering that fulfils many user’s needs. Compare Standard and Premium Digital here. Over the past forty years, feminist critique has repeatedly reconsidered the Marxist dichotomy between “productive” and “reproductive” labour, expanding the concept of work to include non-monetized subsistence and family activities illustrating the diversity of ways in which “reproduction is production over time and space”, challenging the “naturalization” of homework. Footnote 110 Feminist historians have also recognized the gendered division of labour within the forms of subsistence production and highlighted “the power relations within family and home”, while they have also investigated the “structural impact” of non-paid labour by women in families and households. Footnote 111 Moreover, research has often questioned the significance of the sole male breadwinner family, focusing on the workforce that had been neglected, specifically women and children. It is noteworthy that the male breadwinner family has its origins in Western family ideology. Footnote 112 A description of the significant cost components that make-up the forward-looking non-IFRS financial measures cash operating cost and AISC per pound of copper equivalent produced is shown in the table below. The prevalence of sex work was not mentioned by participants in any of the regions. Sex work in mine settings is a relatively well known occurrence and there are legalised brothels in Queensland, potentially making it a ‘non-issue’ in these communities [ 36]. It is also possible that with the discretion around sex work, its occurrence may not have been obvious to participants, or they simply did not consider it as a health or wellbeing need in this region. In their article on “Female Workers in the Spanish Mines, 1860–1940”, Miguel Á. Pérez de Perceval Verde, Ángel Pascual Martínez Soto, and José Joaquín García Gómez study the direct employment of women in the mines in the golden age of this industry in Spain. The authors show clearly that the mining regulations at the end of the nineteenth century prohibiting the employment of women in underground mining in Spain legalized the prevailing situation. Women were therefore concentrated mainly in surface work, with important differences: they accounted for around five per cent of the total surface workforce, although in some exceptional cases, as in the manganese mines, women comprised thirty-three to fifty per cent in the Huelva region between 1902 and 1934 and twenty per cent in the Asturias mines, dropping to ten per cent in 1931–1934. This study shows also the enormous gender wage gap (they earned just forty per cent of the average wage of men who worked on the surface), which widened after 1920. The removal of women from the mines was considered an improvement for the working class, and the trade unions supported this policy. Although women participated actively in the most important mining conflicts, the reports did not mention any female “voice”.

Underpins potential for low-cost organic production growth (other nearby assets, including Cedar Bay and Copper Rand) to be evaluated during LOM) Includes owner’s costs of 8%, construction indirects of 10%, and EPCM of 12% for mill and tailings and 4% for mining of direct costs. the nature of work in the mine and the culture of the miners meant a heavy domestic role for wives […] Work in the pit was both dangerous and arduous and was conducted in terrible conditions […] The routine of the household revolved around the routine of the pits and the needs of the miners, Footnote 114Mineral resources that are not mineral reserves do not have demonstrated economic viability. Therefore, investors are cautioned not to assume that all or any part of an inferred mineral resource could ever be mined economically. It cannot be assumed that all or any part of “measured mineral resources,” “indicated mineral resources,” or “inferred mineral resources” will ever be upgraded to a higher category. The mineral resource estimates contained herein may be subject to legal, political, environmental or other risks that could materially affect the potential development of such mineral resources. Refer to the Technical Report, once filed, for more information with respect to the key assumptions, parameters, methods and risks of determination associated with the foregoing. Women were mine workers, but they were also responsible for their households, contributing as well to the income of their families and to their struggles. In this Special Theme, we present three different case studies (from Bolivia in the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries, Spain, and Greece between 1860 and 1940) that illuminate the variety of women's experience in the mines and the shaping of gender relations. The first study analyses silver production in Potosí during Spanish rule, when women did not work underground but did play a crucial role in surface activities. The second scrutinizes women's work in the mines in Spain much later, while the third focuses much more on how gender relations shaped the whole industry. As a result of the protective laws and the exclusion of women from underground tasks, women's work became increasingly restricted to household work, while their pivotal role in reproduction and care work in mining communities was also insufficiently recognized. This process of “de-labourization” of women's work and the closely connected distinction made between productive and unproductive labour was in accordance with the classical political economy since Adam Smith, where unpaid care work and domestic activities were considered “unproductive” labour and underestimated. Footnote 7 From 1930 to 1935, the ILO gathered information and data from member states, but although based on reports from various governments the information was not always precise. For example, in Spain the first restrictions on women working underground were not those enshrined in legislation on the number of hours worked in mines in 1910, as the ILO data suggested, but the Mining Police Regulations of 25 July 1897, which constituted the first law prohibiting women's work in underground mining in Spain. Footnote 60 In Portugal, the first restriction on women's work underground in mines was regulated by the decree of 14 April 1891 and confirmed by the decree of 16 March 1893; this is much earlier than the 1927 claimed by the ILO as the date of the earliest government regulation on women mineworkers, during the Military Dictatorship (1926–1933). Footnote 61 In Italy, the first restrictions on women's work underground did not originate with the consolidated text of the 1907 Act on the employment of women, but five years earlier, in 1902, with the law on the employment of women and children, which prohibited women from working underground. The Italian law of 1907 was necessary though because there was no real control on the application of the 1902 law, and many mining industries simply ignored it. Footnote 62 Similarly, in Greece the ban on female work underground was the result not of the law of 1912 “On the labour of women and children” but of the 1910 mining law “On mines”, which was the first legislation to prohibit the employment of women and children in jobs underground and night work in the mines. Footnote 63 It should also be noted that some of the laws mentioned in Table 2 banned not only women's work underground but also at the surface (in the Netherlands, New Zealand, Peru), or at least especially laborious work (Austria, Bulgaria, Germany, China, Great Britain). Footnote 64 In Bolivia and Guatemala, underground work was forbidden only for women under age. Footnote 65 The role of the ILO as a supranational authority during the interwar was crucial for the promotion and implementation of global labour standards. Footnote 69 The critique of feminist historians emphasizes that ILO conventions and recommendations “have not only reflected the male breadwinner ideal that unionized men struggled to realize” since the nineteenth century, but also that these instruments “gave member states guidance on how to deploy women workers, whether for the maintenance of people or the fashioning of goods and provision of services”. Footnote 70

Total projected mined tonnes from Corner Bay are expected to be 7.60 Mt ramping up to a maximum capacity of 2,600 tpd over a mine life of 10.5 years. Bahar says he barely makes enough to buy food. But for him, there is a happy ending – of sorts. Despite his catastrophic injuries, his dream of reaching Europe did not die at the bottom of the mine shaft. Finland has agreed to grant him asylum and he is due to be flown out of Chad with his sister Manira at the end of the month. Dore Copper makes a correction in its March2, 2023 news releas Queensland Health. The Health of Queenslanders 2014; Fifth Report of the Chief Health Officer, Queensland. Report. 2014. Copper equivalent (CuEq) costs uses only payable gold in concentrate and is applied as a credit against costs.Australian Institute of Health and Welfare. Rural, regional and remote health: indicators of health status and determinants of health. Australian Government. Report. Canberra. 2008. AISC includes cash operating costs, sustaining capital expenses to support the on-going operations, concentrate transport and treatment charges, royalties and closure and rehabilitation costs divided copper equivalent pounds produced.