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Where BS is primarily concerned with the Mediterranean, the monographs of Federico de Romanis and Kasper Evers draw attention to its connections with the Indian Ocean world. Both argue that the Mediterranean's internal connectivity did not prevent the intensive circulation of people and goods between the Roman world and the Indian subcontinent. Footnote 17 Harnessing the heuristic potential of connectivity, they elucidate links between the Mediterranean Sea and Indian Ocean. In doing so, they demonstrate how much researchers can reveal of the Roman world's wider connections when they decentre Rome. Simultaneously, they add to a growing volume of work on Indo-Roman links. Footnote 18 Tóth, Judit (November 2010). The Incomprehensible Flow of Roma Asylum-Seekers from the Czech Republic and Hungary to Canada (PDF). Centre for European Policy Studies. ISBN 978-94-6138-063-0. In The Corrupting Sea, Horden and Purcell presented a new vision of the premodern Mediterranean. They argued that its regional coherence was due to a distinctive regime of risk, logic of production, topographical fragmentation and connectivity. The Corrupting Sea (henceforth CS) was the self-described successor of Fernand Braudel, who in 1949 argued that the sixteenth-century Mediterranean possessed a ‘unity and coherence’ that allowed historians to write longue durée histories of the region in addition to histories of individuals, peoples and events within it. Footnote 12 Of the elements that make up Horden and Purcell's fourfold model, connectivity has been the most influential for how researchers think about the Mediterranean. The authors imported the concept from locational analysis to explain the various ways in which its microregions cohered internally and with each other. Footnote 13 They further argued that the degree to which connectivity characterised the region made it distinct from any other comparable area. Use of the concept now ranges from the strict sense that Horden and Purcell originally intended to a generalising descriptor for connected ness. Footnote 14 As Brent Shaw observed, CS is ‘one of those manifest watersheds in the study of antiquity’. Footnote 15
To re-quote Horden and Purcell: the collective movements of negotiatores in this period ‘articulate[d] a world of connectivity which maps onto what we call the Mediterranean’ (174). Many such businessmen formed groups like that in Lissus which engaged in concerted action under epithets like conventus civium Romanorum, cives Romani qui negotiantur and Ῥωμαῖοι οἱ πραγματευόμενοι. Wealthy, numerous and widespread, they garnered prestige and power as corporate bodies and for the individuals that formed them. Footnote 37 Inscriptions reveal their frequent interaction with non-Roman individuals and communities. Footnote 38 Yet the networks and connections that we see therein cannot have been founded on equitable relations. Literary accounts suggest that the influence of Roman communities like the conventus of Lissus was not rare. During a visit to Corduba, Caesar thanks the Roman citizens there for ‘for their enthusiasm in keeping the town under his control’. Footnote 39 Ps.-Caesar reports that in a speech at Utica, Caesar censures a similar group of Romans and confiscates their money and property. At the same time, he thanks the people of Utica for their support, revealing that the local Roman population steered the loyalties of the town against the will of its people. Footnote 40 Similar circumstances emerge at Zama, Thapsus and Hadrumetum. Footnote 41 The most notorious episode occurs in the previous century. In Sallust's account of the leadup to the Jugurthine War, he describes events in Cirta while the city was under siege from Jugurtha in 112 b.c.e. A group of individuals whom he calls Italici coerce Adherbal to surrender to Jugurtha. Adherbal yields, but not because he thinks any good will come of it: he knows the Italici will make him do it anyway. After seizing the town, Jugurtha executes him and the Italici. Footnote 42 Silverman, Carol (June 1995). "Persecution and Politicization: Roma (Gypsies) of Eastern Europe". Cultural Survival Quarterly Magazine. 19 (2). a b Bhanoo, Sindya N. (10 December 2012). "Genomic Study Traces Roma to Northern India". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Such a debate comes down to what is meant by a city or urban settlement. According to Cherian, “Urban is a complicated word – to me, it means ‘organised’, ‘thought out’, ‘planned’.” And he sees evidence of this in Pattanam: “It was certainly a city, but of its time.” In Wallachia, Transylvania, and Moldavia, Romanis were enslaved for five centuries, until abolition in the mid-19th century. [41]
de Romanis
By the 14th century, the Romanis had reached the Balkans and Bohemia; by the 15th century, Germany, France, Italy, Spain, and Portugal; and by the 16th century, Russia, Denmark, Scotland, and Sweden. [27] (although DNA evidence from mid-11th century skeletons in Norwich suggest that at least a few individuals may have arrived earlier, perhaps due to Viking enslavement of Romani from the eastern Mediterranean, or liaisons with the Varangians [35]).
The last quarter-century has witnessed a transformation in approaches to the study of mobility in the Roman Empire. Social scientific frameworks, especially network analysis and the concept of connectivity, have granted explanatory force to population movements. Footnote 1 Technological advances in bioarchaeology, archaeobotany, archaeozoology and related fields provide ever finer-grained views of the role of migration in interactions between people and their environments. Footnote 2 The digital turn has produced new tools for research and visual representations, such as Walter Scheidel's web-based ORBIS: The Stanford Geospatial Network Model of the Roman World, which allows users to simulate communication costs and routes while controlling for complex variables like season and manner of travel. Footnote 3 Finally, increased use of non-Roman and non-ancient comparanda has allowed for productive theorisation about poorly attested mobilities. Footnote 4
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Up to that point, the movement of Romanis to Canada had been fairly easy, because visa requirements for Czech citizens had been lifted by the Canadian government in April 1996. In response to the sudden influx, the Canadian government reinstated visa requirements for all Czechs as of 8 October 1997. [58] Romani nationalism [ edit ] Flag of the Romani people
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